When the Pulpit Aspires for Presidency: Gambians Debate Religious Leadership in Politics

By Edward Francis Dalliah

The recent announcement by a Muslim religious leader, Imam Musa Jallow, of his intent to contest the presidency in the upcoming 2026 election has ignited widespread public debate across The Gambia. Central to the controversy is a delicate question: Can a religious cleric legitimately and effectively seek the nation’s highest political office without compromising the secular foundations of the state?

This is not the first time The Gambia has wrestled with the intersection of spiritual authority and political ambition. History recalls Reverend John Colley Faye, an Anglican figure whose political involvement during the colonial and early independence era remains one of the country’s most instructive precedents.

Rev. J.C. Faye’s Political Career Predated His Priesthood Ordination

Born in 1908, Rev. John Colley Faye’s life defied simple categorisation. As chronicled in “The Very Reverend J.C. Faye: His Life and Times” by Dr. Jeggan C. Senghor, Rev. Faye was a fearless political actor, educator, and committed churchman. Importantly, he founded The Gambia Democratic Party (GDP) in 1951, the country’s first political party, while still an Anglican deacon, deeply engaged in church activities but not yet ordained as a priest.

Though ordained a deacon in 1947, the first step toward priesthood, Rev. Faye was not a priest at the time of his political leadership. His full ordination as a priest came in 1973, over two decades after his political career ended.

Our research reveals that his political engagement while serving as a deacon and educator highlighted the possibility of integrating moral authority into national leadership without compromising religious duties.

Modern-Day Concerns: Fear, Faith, and Constitutional Principles

Today, the Catholic, Anglican, and Methodist Churches practice regulations that aim to separate the clergy’s spiritual duties from direct political involvement to preserve the integrity of their ministry and maintain the Church’s role as a unifying moral force. While these Churches encourage social engagement and advocacy on ethical issues, holding political office or leading political parties is generally discouraged or expressly forbidden for ordained ministers.

For example, the Catholic Church’s Code of Canon Law is explicit:

• Canon 285(1) states that “Clerics are to refrain completely from all those things which are unbecoming to their state, according to the prescripts of particular law,” urging clergy to avoid actions that could distract from or harm their spiritual mission.

• Canon 285(3) ‘forbids clerics from assuming public offices that entail participation in civil power.’

• Canon 287(2) ‘prohibits clergy from active participation in political parties or labor unions unless, in exceptional cases, ecclesiastical authorities judge such involvement necessary to protect the Church’s rights or promote the common good.’

Similarly, the Anglican and Methodist Churches generally advise their clergy to avoid partisan politics, emphasising the pastoral role to preach the Gospel and serve all people irrespective of political affiliations.

According to current Anglican policies and broader Christian traditions, ordained clergy, whether deacons or priests, are expected to refrain from holding political office or affiliating with political parties. This maintains pastoral neutrality and safeguards the mission of the Church.

If a deacon or priest in The Gambia were to seek political office today, the Anglican Church or any of the mentioned churches would likely require him to take a leave of absence from ministry or possibly relinquish his clerical status to avoid conflicts between spiritual duties and political roles. Thus, while Rev. J.C. Faye’s political leadership is often cited in debate, his case is distinct: his leadership occurred primarily during the years when such regulation may not have been in place yet. But present-day clergy face clearer boundaries designed to protect both their sacred responsibilities and the secular nature of governance.

Conversely, our research on Islam does not reveal any regulation preventing religious leaders from pursuing political office, unlike the churches mentioned. Thus, the challenge remains for Muslim religious aspirants to demonstrate a genuine commitment to secular, inclusive leadership that upholds the country’s pluralistic and constitutional foundations, rather than promoting the agenda of an Islamic State.

Legal and Ethical Dimensions in Today’s Gambia

Today’s Gambian political landscape is more complex and polarised. The 1997 Constitution doesn’t stop religious leaders from vying for the presidency. Section 62 outlines criteria such as age, citizenship, education, and residency but does not disqualify candidates based on religious status. Simultaneously, the Constitution affirms The Gambia as a sovereign, secular state, and the Elections Act forbids political parties founded solely on religion.

Provision 104, subsection 4 of the Elections Act demands that “a political party shall not be formed on a sectional, religious, ethnic, or regional basis.” In addition to this, the following subsection 5 highlights that “every political party shall conform to democratic principles, and its actions and purposes shall not contravene or be inconsistent with the Constitution or any laws.”

Thus, the idea of a religious leader running for president raises concerns that it could erode the country’s secular, pluralistic foundations. Critics worry that a religious leader assuming the presidency might privilege one faith over others, jeopardising religious neutrality and minority inclusion.

A cautionary example comes from former President Jammeh’s regime, which, according to the Truth, Reconciliation, and Reparations Commission (TRRC) report, saw some Muslim religious leaders within the Supreme Islamic Council enabling former President Jammeh to justify actions on religious grounds. Notably, in January 2015, the Supreme Islamic Council publicly declared on GRTS that the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat were not Muslims and barred them from Muslim cemeteries. Additionally, Indian Islamic scholar Zakir Naik’s 2014 visit and his wish for The Gambia to become an Islamic state preceded Jammeh’s 2015 declaration of The Gambia as an Islamic Republic.

The TRRC report also documents that the Christian community, including the Vatican’s emissary, sought dialogue with former President Jammeh over the declaration and the prospect of replacing the Constitution with Sharia law. However, he refused to meet them, citing Ramadan as a reason to decline.

Therefore, as The Gambia debates the role of religious leaders in politics, the lessons from history highlight the coexistence as well as the Constitution and Islam, since they do not stop religious leaders from opting for political positions. However, contemporary Church teachings remind us that the pulpit and the presidency cannot coexist unless the clergy relinquish their duties.